KIGALI PERPETUALLY PUT HUTU REFUGEES UNDER THREATS IN LONDON
KIGALI PERPETUALLY PUT HUTU REFUGEES UNDER
THREATS IN LONDON
According to legitimate Rwandan refugees in London, the Rwandan refugee community is perpetually under surveillance and effectively under attack
by fake asylum seekers working as agents; these agents send the names of legitimate refugees to the ever-updated “genocide lists” that Kigali provides to the U.K. Home Office and other
governments, and they meanwhile help to build bogus “legal” cases against the legitimate refugees, as happened with Dr. Vincent Bajinya.
The U.K. government regularly arrests asylum seekers (of all nationalities) and holds them in
detention pending review of their cases for a “pass” or “fail” of the asylum granting process, but most are almost automatically slated for return to their country of origin. British policies are
particularly egregious in the cases of countries where Britain is more actively involved in the ongoing warfare, especially Iraq, Afghanistan and Sudan (Darfur), or where it has a deep military
and intelligence relationship, especially Congo, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Pakistan and Zimbabwe.
While their cases await resolution, asylum claimants are banned from working. Once their
cases have been failed, they face total destitution, with no right to work, no benefits, no accommodation, no proper access to health services, and the constant fear of removal. This is on top of
the psychological trauma, and in some cases physical injury, that continues to trouble them as a result of their experiences.
In the case of Rwanda, selected asylum seekers are further stigmatized and dehumanized by
being branded as genocidaires—a label applied to describe Hutu “extremists” and highly targeted individuals in well-organized frame-ups—in cases like Dr. Vincent Bajinya’s, where the frame-up
involved Rwandan intelligence agents and the BBC.
According to Rwandan asylum seekers the Kigali government routinely manipulates the asylum
system to get students and intelligence agents into the U.K. asylum system to gain U.K. citizenship at no financial cost for the short- and long-term benefit of the Kigali regime.
In 2007, around 200 Rwandan students arrived in the U.K. as asylum seekers and around 150 of these became stateless after falsely claiming to be Rwandan asylum seekers; about 50 of these were
official Rwandan students possessing documents provided by the Rwanda government who had been given educational scholarships from the U.K. government.
After Kigali sends false asylum claimants to the U.K., their asylum claim is either passed or failed like any other refugee. Once the
asylum claim has been successful and refugee status granted, these false claimants can access student loans and housing and medical support. To improve the chances of a “passed” asylum claim
Kigali sets up fake asylum seekers with fake documents to strengthen their cases: e.g., arrest warrants, prison release documents, and medical reports about being tortured.
Next, Rwandan agents in the U.K.—like Mary Blewitt Kayitesi and Tony Kavutse—assist the false
asylum seekers to access U.K. refugee assistance agencies like the Medical Foundation, Praxis, or Survivor’s Fund (SURF). Some enhance their status by claiming to be genocide
survivors.
Some asylum claimants “pass” relatively easily, but for those asylum seekers who are “failed”
by the U.K. government—which is eager to reject all refugees to meet its goals of low immigration—the Rwandan Embassy is contacted to determine the status of the asylum seeker and the Embassy
denies that these clandestine government supported “refugees” are from Rwanda at all. In some cases the U.K. deports the false claimants back to Kigali, even forcibly, where the Rwandan
immigration officials again—checking their lists of supported but fake asylum seekers—refuses that the asylum seekers originated from Rwanda. In both cases the fake asylum seekers, disowned by
Rwanda, gain a stateless refugee status which under the 1951 UNHCR protections insures that the U.K. cannot deport them (since they are unable to identify their state or origin).
When the U.K. government detains legitimate refugees—obviously not supported by Kigali but
rather hunted by them—the Rwandan Embassy is again contacted while they are still in London, or the refugee is deported directly back to Kigali. In either of these cases involving actual
refugees, the Kagame regime validates to the U.K. government that these are legitimate refugees, because Kigali is happy to have critics of the regime and other legitimate refugees fleeing state
persecution delivered back into their hands.
One legitimate refugee “failed” by the U.K. immigration system and forcibly
returned to Rwanda was Rene Murabukira, a Rwandan refugee who fled after his family was killed in 1996.78
Rene Murabukira started a new life in Edinburgh and after 11 years in the U.K. he was a charity worker with the Edinburgh-based Action
Group helping physically and mentally disabled adults when the U.K. immigration agents tracked him down and arrested him at work.
When Murabukira arrived in the U.K. in 1996, he was only 17 years old. He was given temporary
leave to remain in the U.K. as well as a work permit, and told his case for permanent asylum was under consideration. He built a life in Edinburgh and was engaged to be married to Aneta Jarzmik,
a U.K. citizen.
Murabukira’s case was deferred for eleven years, until Rwanda was declared “safe.” But in April 2007, U.K. immigration officials swooped in packed Murabukira off to a detention centre. He was
scheduled for extradition in May 2007—readied to be shipped back to Rwanda—but legal intervention won him a temporary stay in the U.K. on the day of the planned flight.
Murabukira claimed that Tutsi rebels killed his parents, sister and cousins, at
his home in 1996. He has been unable to work or claim benefits and has relied on friends to survive the past year of asylum limbo.79
Rwandans in London believe there have been about 65 cases of legitimate asylum seekers deported back to Rwanda since
2000.
80 Of course there are also those fake refugees who betray Kigali once they have achieved their mission and gained
asylum status abroad. It is well known that “There are certainly some Tutsis who are genuine refugees,” says Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro. “But there is also a deliberate policy on the part of the
RPF regime to export [exfiltrate] Tutsis to the U.S., Canada, Belgium and other countries and a deliberate policy to forcibly return Hutus to Rwanda who fled to countries other than the
Democratic Republic of Congo. They are worried that Hutu asylum seekers outnumber Tutsis in Belgium and other countries, and that, if nothing is done, in the long run Hutus will be able to have
their voice heard.”
Thousands of Hutus refugees remain in countries that border Rwanda and thousands of refugees
have recently been forcibly repatriated back to Rwanda by the governments of both Uganda and Tanzania. In October 2007, for example, Uganda deported some 3000 Rwandans, most of them
Hutus.
81 “The whole idea is to build a strong Tutsi Diaspora that would support the Tutsi clique in power in Rwanda the same
way the Jews support Israel,” says Higiro. “With a strong Tutsi Diaspora, Tutsi elites in power can use the tools of negationism, revisionism and the genocide industry to silence Hutus in Rwanda
and in the countries where they have sought asylum.”
82 U.K. ASYLUMS DIRECTED BY KIGALI
For its part the British Government has adopted a refugee asylum policy that looks to the
Kagame regime—the persecuting government—for its decisions about Rwandan asylum cases and refugee returns.
The U.K. asylum system came under “reform” during the Blair government, but not in favor of
refugees or asylum seeker’s rights. This is made clear in the case of Rwandan asylum seekers where the immigration and detention shake-up seems to have involved a stripping away of refugees’
legal protections.
By the end of Prime Minister Tony Blair’s term in office, the asylum reform process was in
full swing and a special “Ten-Point Plan for Border Protection and Immigration Reform” was launched. Under this plan, the Prime Minister committed the U.K. Government to accelerate and massively
increase the removal of both imprisoned and not yet detained foreign asylum seekers. According to the Home Office, it is the biggest shake-up of the immigration system in its
history.
83 On January 24, 2007—not so long after the British public was sensitized to the infiltration of Dr. Bajinya and the
other three supposed “Masterminds” of genocide in Rwanda—the U.K. Home Office issued a special “Operational Guidance Note” on Rwanda that establishes and revises the formal policy for dealing
with Rwandan asylum seekers. The guidance notes that all asylum seekers must be considered on a case by case basis, but all case workers must follow the outlines of this operational guidance
document.
84 The document, meant to educate case workers, opens with a “country assessment” that presents a highly inaccurate
version of events in Rwanda. The assessment is heavily based on BBC sources, especially the BBC “Timeline” on Rwanda, and it has a decidedly pro-RPF bias. Some select examples of the bias can be
seen in the following excerpts:
[1] CLAIM: “Rwanda is a republic dominated by a strong presidency.”
85 REALITY: Rwanda is a one-party dictatorship with a façade of democracy and the consolidation of the dictatorship
achieved through highly rigged and manipulated “demonstration elections” that are widely misperceived to have been democratic and fair.
86 [2] CLAIM: “In 1985 Tutsi exiles in Uganda formed the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). Having failed to negotiate
their return to the country, the RPF invaded Rwanda from Uganda in October 1990, demanding representation and equality for all Rwandans.
87 REALITY: Most of the so-called “Tutsi exiles in Uganda” were Ugandan born citizens and they became battle-hardened
guerrillas fighting for Yoweri Museveni and the NRA—a war that Museveni ran out of the Hotel Des Diplomats in Kigali in the mid-1980’s.
88 Paul Kagame was Museveni’s Director of Military Intelligence and he was responsible for tortures, massacres and
assassinations.
89 Museveni had ignored calls by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to downsize his army of
approximately 180,000 fighters to 70,000. By mid-April 1994, Museveni had sent some scores of thousands of UPDF soldiers into Rwanda—possibly as many as 70,000.
90 To say that these soldiers and the RPF’s political representatives demanded “representation and equality for all
Rwandans” is so patently false that it defies any rational attempt to deconstruct it. Working together, Museveni and Kagame utilized terrorist tactics to assign all blame—for atrocities they
committed against both their enemies and their own people—on their enemies. They used psychological operations, embedded international reporters, and fabrication of massacres. These tactics have
continued to the present.
“Let me give you an example of media manipulation,” says Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro, Director
of ORINFOR. “In 1994 people took shelter at a mosque in Kabuga near Kigali. After the RPF took control of the location, they killed all the people who had taken shelter there, then called
reporters to see what the Interahamwe had done to Tutsis.”
91 [3] CLAIM: “A civil war in the border area ensued. Each incursion by the RPF was followed by reprisal massacres,
largely of Tutsis, by government forces. A peace agreement was brokered in 1993, the Arusha Peace Accords, which inter alia provided for a power-sharing arrangement involving all political forces
and the RPF.”
92 REALITY: The RPF’s persecution and killings of Hutus and Tutsis in Northern Rwanda went largely unchallenged.
Meanwhile the international “human rights” community hammered away at the Habyarimana government following a now common pattern of punishing the victims and accusing them of crimes committed in
self defense, but never accusing the perpetrators of the original, and greater, injustices.
93 It is interesting that a guerrilla army can invade a sovereign country and attack a sovereign
government and commit terrorist acts, driving over a million people before it, and that it could today be summarized as it is above.
94 This exemplifies the hegemonic imperialist bias of the
Western human rights establishment and the mantle of genocide carried by the Genocide Intervention Network and its octopus of affiliates.
The rest of the country assessment follows in similar fashion, uttering ridiculous lies that
are now so deeply inculcated in the collective insanity of human consciousness as to make them as absolute and unchallengeable as the Ten Commandments. The summary glosses over the human rights
record in Rwanda, validates the legitimacy of the institutionalized injustice at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda, and shamelessly absolves the Kagame regime of its terrorist
involvement in extortion, racketeering, war crimes and genocide in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Perhaps the most ludicrous statement in the entire document is this one: “The Rwandan
government is strongly committed to national reconciliation and there is no evidence of any state-sponsored or societal discrimination on ethnic grounds that would amount to persecution.”
The source documents which the Operational Guidance on Rwanda relies upon include references to: USAID; U.S. Department of State; Amnesty International; Human Rights Watch; U.N. and U.K.
profiles; and the Economist.
Most notably, there are four references to British Broadcasting Corporation reports or
documents. Given their relationships to the production and maintenance of the establishment narrative, all of these sources are highly compromised in their capacity to present the true picture of
Rwanda or insure refugee protections.
For the purposes of rounding up refugees and dragging them back to Rwanda, the
Operational Guidance on Rwanda requires that asylum caseworkers begin the process by checking the names of asylum seekers against several lists maintained by the Kagame
government.95
Section 3.5 of the Operational Guidance on Rwanda establishes the hierarchy of protocols for dealing with Rwandan asylum
seekers.
If “the applicant’s name appears on either of the two published lists
maintained by the Rwandan government of those wanted for genocide or where there is any evidence that the applicant was, for example, politically active, employed in any official, religious,
media or military capacity at the time of the genocide,” decision-makers are instructed to consider whether to apply one of several special exclusion clauses and must refer such cases to the War
Crimes Unit.96
According to the U.K. Home Office, “the War Crimes Unit was formed in March 2004 with the specific remit of introducing screening
processes in order to identify people involved in the commission of atrocities in connection with modern day conflict situations.”
97 In February 2007, the Israeli Government successfully pressured the U.K. Home Office to water down
anti-torture and war crimes legislation.98
The injustices in cases of Rwandan war criminals are amongst the most pronounced.
Former Prime Minister Tony Blair is today the public relations consultant and economic
adviser for the Kagame regime, a position Blair assumed in February, 2008. John Major was prime minister and the Conservative (Tory) Party was in power at the time of the U.S./U.K. backed coup
d’etat in Rwanda 1994.
MILKING THE ASYLUM PROCESS
The Rwandan asylum scam allows the Kagame regime to facilitate higher political and economic
status for more and more Rwandans by gaining green cards or citizenship abroad.
Moses Kenneth Bugingo Rugema arrived in the U.K. around 2003 on a false asylum claim against Rwanda. Although U.K. citizenship can be granted after five years his citizenship is
uncertain.
When asked about his former refugee status and current political appointment with the
government he sought asylum from, Rugema responded evasively and aggressively. “I have no time to waste in replying to you in the future,” Rugema replied. “But as a gentleman I just wanted to
tell you I exist and your facts are not correct. It’s up to you to prove it.”
99 Rugema is another Ugandan-Rwandan, and a former RPF soldier whose “flight” from persecution in Rwanda quickly led to
his employment at the Rwanda Embassy in London as a receptionist. From the Embassy, Rugema helped Kigali track down legitimate refugees. Rugema also set up his current business enterprise and
continues to operate out of London as an economic agent dealing in the export/import of top quality Rwandan Arabica green bean coffee for the Kagame regime.
100 On November 2, 2007, the Rwandan cabinet appointed Rugema to the post of 2nd Counselor at the Rwandan Embassy in New
York City.
“It is very interesting that this Rwandan refugee is now working as a business agent for the government he ran away from,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “It is 100% certain that Moses Rugema
used the asylum system as a bogus asylum claimant and worked at the Rwanda Embassy in London.”
One of the highest-profile RPF-allied asylum seekers who has milked the system to gain status
in the U.K. is Linda Bihire, recently appointed to the RPF’s cabinet under the recent government reshuffling that was advised by Kagame’s new spin doctor, former British Prime Minister Tony
Blair.
On March 13, 2008, Bihire was appointed to Rwandan Cabinet as Minister of Infrastructure. However, Linda Bihire is another Ugandan-born “Rwandan” whose lineage and origins are belied by her
inability to speak the native Kinyarwanda language of Rwanda. During her swearing-in ceremony in Kigali, Bihire’s inability to read the Oath of Office forced the organizers to switch to
English.
101 Bihire’s cabinet selection was engineered by Rwanda’s top intelligence agent, Emmanuel Ndahiro, a feared agent in
and out of Rwanda who controls Rwanda’s state daily New Times newspaper and uses it as a political tool to peddle disinformation and attack critics of the RPF. Linda Bihire is Emmanuel Ndahiro’s
mistress and they have a 19 year-old son. Lt. Col. Dr. Emmanuel Ndahiro is also a maternal cousin to Paul Kagame and Director General of Rwanda’s dreaded National Security
Service.
Bihire is also a close friend of another RPF-allied Rwandan asylum seeker in the U.K., Rose
Ngabire, the secretary at the Rwandan Embassy in London. Prior to her cabinet appointment, Bihire milked the U.K. asylum system to get higher education, earning a Bachelor’s Degree in civil
engineering and a Master’s Degree in project management from the University of Nottingham and the University of Portsmouth, respectively.
Bihire’s new life apparently began soon after she finished her elementary schooling in
Kampala, Uganda, when RPF agent Emmanuel Ndahiro organized her “political asylum” status and facilitated her transfer to London.
102 Bihire was soon identified as a Rwandan agent by legitimate Rwandan asylum seekers in
England.103
After she arrived in London, Dr. Zac Nsenga, the ambassador to the U.K. at the time, stepped in and
landed Bihire a government scholarship for her higher education.
Another U.K. asylum fraud was perpetrated by Joseph Mutaboba, Secretary General of Rwanda’s Ministry of Internal Affairs and former Secretary General of the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs.
In September 2006, Mutaboba co-chaired the United Nations Permanent Advisory Committee on
Security Issues in the Central African Region. Since 2003, he has participated in preparatory meetings of the International Conference on Peace and Security in the Great Lakes region and as
Coordinator for Rwanda and Head of the Peace and Security Thematic Group. All these “security” posts occurred even while Rwanda continued to plunder Congo. However, Joseph Mutaboba’s wife is
another “refugee” living in North London and using the asylum process for personal gain.
Another RPF agent who infiltrated England through the asylum process is
Ignatius Mugabo, a naturalized citizen of Uganda who first sought asylum in Denmark but later joined his wife Jacqueline in Britain; Mugabo may by now have gained British citizenship. Mugabo’s
wife Jacqueline was reportedly granted full refugee protection under the 1951 UNHCR Convention, which guarantees that any asylum seeker is automatically entitled to be joined by their
families.104
According to Rwandan asylum seekers, Mugabo joined is wife in London in 2003.
105 Ignatius Mugabo not only worked for the RPF, he became one of Kagame’s top intelligence officials and an active
hunter of Kagame’s critics abroad. In March of 2007, just prior to the 13th anniversary of the April 6, 1994 presidential assassinations, Mugabo set up a petition to the British Prime Minister
calling on Rwandans in Britain to support his campaign to hunt down and arrest genocidaires. Eighteen people signed the petition, including Ignatius Mugabo.
The petition statement reads:
“We the members of the Rwandan Community resident in the U.K., during the 13th anniversary of
the genocide in our country, concerned that many suspected perpetrators of this heinous crime continue to hide in Western countries including U.K., call on the British Prime Minister and his
government to increase their support for the delivery of justice to the victims of the Rwandan genocide by tracking and arresting whoever is suspected of having played a role in this
tragedy.”
106 “Mugabo set up this petition on the U.K. Prime Minister’s web site,” says one Rwandan refugee in London, “but he
received too few signatures to get any action from the Prime Minister. All members of the Rwandan community did not sign as they feared their names to be recognized on the list of asylum seekers.
Mugabo was disappointed to receive so few supporters.”
107 Ignatius Mugabo is also on the management committee of the Rwandan Community Association of the U.K.,
in charge of organizing events meant to draw out Rwandan refugees, and he is Director of Rwanda Diaspora Investment Ltd., another business front for Kigali.108
Legitimate Rwandan asylum seekers note with curiosity how Mugabo works with the Rwandan Embassy to organize official events while he and his family have reportedly
fled the Kagame regime.
Ignatius Mugabo is considered the second most feared intelligence agent of the Kagame regime
in London, second only to his associate, James Wizeye. Ignatius Mugabo, Tony Kavutse and Rose Ngabire all work on the Rwanda Embassy staff under the guidance of its two top espionage agents:
James Wizeye and Claver Gatete.
James Wizeye was appointed as the 1st Secretary at the Rwanda Embassy in London on June 29,
2005 and today he is also the most feared Rwandan intelligence operative involved in hunting Rwanda’s state enemies, critics and asylum seekers in England and, more widely, in
Europe.
A former RPF soldier and current member of Kigali’s intelligence apparatus, Wizeye formerly
worked as administrative attaché at the Rwanda Embassy in Kampala, Uganda. However, Wizeye was expelled by the Uganda government in November 2004 after accusations surfaced that Rwanda was
training rebels hostile to the Ugandan government: Wizeye was implicated in rebel activities and accused of espionage.
109 Wizeye is reportedly wanted today in Uganda and banned from visiting for his role as part of an elite
RPF “hit squad” that operated in Uganda to track down enemies of the RPF regime.110
Wizeye set up intelligence cells and purchased information from Ugandan agents who were later arrested.
111 “In the U.K. James Wizeye is involved in hunting refugees, weapons dealings and protecting Rwanda’s ‘good image’ by
using the media,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “He grew up in Uganda and now he is wanted there because of spying and killings in 2000 and 2001. His success in these [terrorist] operations
for the Kagame regime earned him a diplomatic post in London.”
112Rwandan intelligence agent James Wizeye lives inside the Rwanda Embassy compound at 120-122 Seymour Place in London.
Wizeye has attended high-level conferences with U.S. officials, including Ambassador Jendayi Frazer.
113 According to Rwandans familiar with Wizeye’s activities, he is one of the RPF’s top weapons and
minerals agents working in London—possibly a key player in Kigali’s fencing of contraband resources stolen from the Democratic Republic of Congo and arranging of weapons
transfers.114
Raised and educated in Uganda, Claver Gatete is the Rwandan Ambassador in London appointed to the Cabinet on September 7, 2005. Gatete
is an economist who left Uganda for higher education in Canada. He is known to be an “extremist” RPF official—one of the actual “Masterminds” of RPF strategy to seize and consolidate power in
Rwanda—who supported the RPF movement from Canada and the U.S. as a key member of the Association of Banyarwanda in Diaspora.
115 Gatete organized the RPF campaign abroad, working on funding, lobbying and political alliances, and went on to
become a senior Presidential adviser to Paul Kagame. Gatete also worked as Secretary General at the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, and he was Steering Committee member as part of
President Clinton’s euphemistically named New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), a hegemonic U.S. state department project in neoliberal economics and protectionist
trade.
116 “Claver Gatete is 500% involved in hunting down Hutus and spreading the genocide ideology of Kigali,” says
U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro.